Die Welt würdigt einen der bedeutendsten Menschen der Zeitgeschichte. Am 5. Dezember starb der frühere südafrikanische Präsident und Friedensnobelpreisträger Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela im Alter von 95 Jahren in seinem Haus in Johannesburg. Medien in allen Ländern erinnern ausführlich an das Leben des Mannes, der Zeit seines Lebens als der berühmteste politische Gefangene galt und nach seiner Freilassung 1990 maßgeblich zum friedlichen Wandel in seinem Land beitrug.
Doch wie steht es um den „frühen“ Mandela? Am 20. April 1964 hat der Widerstandskämpfer seinen letzten Auftritt, bevor er für 27 Jahre aus dem öffentlichen Leben verbannt wird. Er steht wegen Sabotage und Planung des bewaffneten Kampfes vor Gericht, der Staatsanwalt fordert für ihn und mehrere Mitangeklagte die Todesstrafe. Nelson Mandela ist seit 1944 aktiv in der schwarzen Bürgerrechtsbewegung ANC, hatte zunächst nach dem Vorbild Mahatma Gandhis Kampagnen zivilen Ungehorsams organisiert. Während die weiße Bevölkerung die Oberschicht stellt und durch Gesetze scharfer Rassentrennung ihre Macht zementiert hat, leben viele Schwarze in meist minderwertigen Behausungen in „Homelands“. Ihre Bewegungsfreiheit ist eingeschränkt. Sie dürfen zwar – an vielen Checkpoints vorbei – zu ihren von der Arbeitsverwaltung zugewiesenen Jobs in die Großstädte fahren, müssen aber stets ihren Pass bereithalten und oft demütigende Kontrollen über sich ergehen lassen.
Am 21. März 1960 hatte eine friedliche Demonstration im Township Sharpeville in einem Massaker geendet, bei dem weiße Polizisten 69 Schwarze erschossen. Kurz darauf war der ANC verboten worden; ihre führenden Mitglieder waren ins Ausland geflohen oder in den Untergrund gegangen. Nelson Mandela war Anführer der Gruppe „Speer der Nation“ geworden, die Sabotageaktionen gegen Infrastrutkureinrichtungen, Militärische Objekte und Polizeistationen ausgeübt hatte. Nun hat er, am letzten Prozesstag, die Gelegenheit sich zu äußern.
Der 46-jährige gelernte Jurist erklärt in einer über dreieinhalb Stunden dauernden Rede, warum er und seine Kampfgenossen Zuflucht zur Gewalt als letztes Mittel nahmen. Er schildert in klaren Worten die miserable Lage der Schwarzen in Südafrika, ihre Armut und ihre gebrochene Menschenwürde. Er bennent die weiße Vorherrschaft als die Ursache und fordert gleiche politische Rechte.
„Ich weiß, dies klingt revolutionär für die Weißen in diesem Land, da die Mehrheit der Wähler Afrikaner wären. Dies lässt den weißen Mann Demokratie fürchten. Doch dieser Angst darf nicht erlaubt werden sich in den Weg zu stellen für die einzige Lösung, die Harmonie der Rassen und Freiheit für alle verheißt. Es ist nicht wahr, dass die Freisetzung von allen auf Rassenüberlegenheit hinauslaufen wird.
Politische Trennung, beruhend auf Hautfarbe, ist völlig künstlich und, wenn sie verschwindet, so wird auch die Vorherrschaft einer Farbengruppe durch andere verschwinden.“
Der Vortrag schließt mit dem Bekenntnis:
„Zeit meines Lebens, habe ich mich diesem Kampf für die Afrikaner gewidmet. Ich habe gegen weiße Vorherrschaft gekämpft, und ich habe gegen schwarze Vorherrschaft gekämpft. Ich habe das Ideal einer demokratischen Gesellschaft gepflegt, in welcher alle Personen in Harmonie und mit gleichen Chancen zusammenleben. Es ist ein Ideal, für welches ich hoffe zu leben und das ich hoffe zu erreichen. Aber sollte es notwendig sein, ist es ein Ideal für das ich bereit bin zu sterben.“
Mandelas Worte finden Widerhall – in Südafrika wie international. Die Jusitz im damaligen Apartheid-Staat ist weniger beeindruckt. Am 12. Juni verurteilt ihn der Richter im so genannten Rivonia-Prozess, zusammen mit sieben weiteren Angeklagten, zu lebenslanger Haft.
Hier einige Passagen aus der Rede im englischen Original, übernommen von BBC News.
Der vollständige Text ist vielfach im Internet zu finden, z.B. auf den hervorragenden Seiten des Bildungsservers D@dalos. Ich wünsche inspirierende Lektüre!
„I do not… deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the whites.
I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto we Sizwe [armed wing of the African National Congress], and that I played a prominent role in its affairs until I was arrested in August 1962.
I, and the others who started the organisation, did so for two reasons.
Firstly, we believed that as a result of government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable, and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalise and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would produce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not produced even by war.
Secondly, we felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the government.
But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. Four forms of violence were possible. There is sabotage, there is guerrilla warfare, there is terrorism, and there is open revolution. We chose to adopt the first method and to exhaust it before taking any other decision.
I have always regarded myself, in the first place, as an African patriot. I was born in Mthatha, 46 years ago. My guardian was my cousin, who was the acting paramount chief of Tembuland, and I am related both to the present paramount chief of Tembuland, Sabata Dalindyebo, and to Kaizer Matanzima, the chief minister of the Transkei.
As I understand the state case… the suggestion is that Umkhonto was the inspiration of the Communist Party which sought by playing upon imaginary grievances to enrol the African people into an army which ostensibly was to fight for African freedom, but in reality was fighting for a communist state.
Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact the suggestion is preposterous. Umkhonto was formed by Africans to further their struggle for freedom in their own land.
Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships or, to use the language of the state prosecutor, so-called hardships. Basically, we fight against two features which are the hallmarks of African life in South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation which we seek to have repealed.
These features are poverty and lack of human dignity, and we do not need communists or so-called agitators to teach us about these things.
South Africa is the richest country in Africa, and could be one of the richest countries in the world. But it is a land of extremes and remarkable contrasts. The whites enjoy what may well be the highest standard of living in the world, whilst Africans live in poverty and misery.
Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition and disease. The incidence of malnutrition and deficiency diseases is very high amongst Africans. Tuberculosis, pellagra, kwashiorkor, gastro-enteritis, and scurvy bring death and destruction of health. The incidence of infant mortality is one of the highest in the world.
The complaint of Africans, however, is not only that they are poor and the whites are rich, but that the laws which are made by the whites are designed to preserve this situation.
There are two ways to break out of poverty. The first is by formal education, and the second is by the worker acquiring a greater skill at his work and thus higher wages. As far as Africans are concerned, both these avenues of advancement are deliberately curtailed by legislation.
The present government has always sought to hamper Africans in their search for education. One of their early acts, after coming into power, was to stop subsidies for African school feeding. Many African children who attended schools depended on this supplement to their diet. This was a cruel act.
There is compulsory education for all white children at virtually no cost to their parents, be they rich or poor. Similar facilities are not provided for the African children, though there are some who receive such assistance.
The other main obstacle to the economic advancement of the African is the industrial colour-bar under which all the better jobs of industry are reserved for whites only.
The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white supremacy. White supremacy implies black inferiority. Legislation designed to preserve white supremacy entrenches this notion.
Menial tasks in South Africa are invariably performed by Africans. When anything has to be carried or cleaned the white man will look around for an African to do it for him, whether the African is employed by him or not. Because of this sort of attitude, whites tend to regard Africans as a separate breed.
They do not look upon them as people with families of their own; they do not realise that they have emotions – that they fall in love like white people do; that they want to be with their wives and children like white people want to be with theirs; that they want to earn enough money to support their families properly, to feed and clothe them and send them to school. And what „house-boy“ or „garden-boy“ or labourer can ever hope to do this?
Pass laws, which to the Africans are among the most hated bits of legislation in South Africa, render any African liable to police surveillance at any time. I doubt whether there is a single African male in South Africa who has not at some stage had a brush with the police over his pass.
Hundreds and thousands of Africans are thrown into jail each year under pass laws. Even worse than this is the fact that pass laws keep husband and wife apart and lead to the breakdown of family life.
Poverty and the breakdown of family life have secondary effects. Children wander about the streets of the townships because they have no schools to go to, or no money to enable them to go to school, or no parents at home to see that they go to school, because both parents (if there be two) have to work to keep the family alive.
This leads to a breakdown in moral standards, to an alarming rise in illegitimacy, and to growing violence which erupts not only politically, but everywhere. Life in the townships is dangerous.
There is not a day that goes by without somebody being stabbed or assaulted. And violence is carried out of the townships in the white living areas. People are afraid to walk alone in the streets after dark.
Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the government declares them to be capable of. Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there.
Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettos.
African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, and not be forced into an unnatural existence in men’s hostels. African women want to be with their men folk and not be left permanently widowed in the Reserves.
Africans want to be allowed out after 11 o’clock at night and not to be confined to their rooms like little children. Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country and to seek work where they want to and not where the Labour Bureau tells them to.
Africans want a just share in the whole of South Africa; they want security and a stake in society.
Above all, we want equal political rights, because without them our disabilities will be permanent. I know this sounds revolutionary to the whites in this country, because the majority of voters will be Africans. This makes the white man fear democracy.
But this fear cannot be allowed to stand in the way of the only solution which will guarantee racial harmony and freedom for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination.
Political division, based on colour, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of one colour group by another.
The ANC has spent half a century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs it will not change that policy.
This then is what the ANC is fighting. Their struggle is a truly national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live.
During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination.
I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.“
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